Skull and Bones History at the University of Utah

By Bianca Velasquez

On November 25, 1909, the Salt Lake Tribune reported “New Men Taken Into ‘Skull and Bones.’” The article introduced the Skull and Bones Club to Utah. According to the Tribune, the ceremony involved a series of “foolish and embarrassing stunts” for the young men to endure as an initiation. Earlier that year, a Yale alumnus founded a chapter at the University of Utah. The Skull and Bones Club is an organization that was established in 1832 at Yale University and holds the purpose to create an elite secret society within the university.

147-UTON-1935_Skull_and_BonesIn contrast to the secrecy that the club holds today, on March 28, 1940, The Utah Chronicle’s front page read, “Skull and Bones Honors 11 Prominent Juniors.” In this article two University of Utah students, Joe Dyer and Glen Craig, were selected for Owl and Key membership. The Utonian, the University of Utah’s yearbook, even has a page dedicated to the Skull and Bones Bonesmen with a list of names and their yearbook photos for the 1934 Junior Bonesmen.

Keeping the names and members secret isn’t the only change the Skull and Bones Club has made over time. Until the 1990s, the club was exclusive only to men. The Deseret News also had some coverage on the transition to the Skull and Bones’s acceptance of female members. The Deseret News reported in October 1991, “A Bonesman, speaking on the condition of anonymity, said about 55 percent of the society’s members voted Thursday night in favor of admitting women. The move clears the way for the initiation of six women students into the organization that counts among its members some of the nation’s most powerful men, including President [George] Bush.”

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Photo by Chris Ayers. Used with permission from the Daily Utah Chronicle.

Today, the University of Utah’s chapter has the mission to “to bring attention to issues from everywhere around the U.” Members “define issues as ‘anything that generally affects a student’s life,’ and their connections within many of the U’s student government groups keep them informed as to the current goings-on around the school,” according to The Daily Utah Chronicle’s most recent coverage of the Skull and Bones Club.

On the matter of what the Skull and Bones Club’s motives are currently, the Chronicle reports: “Our main goal this year is to make our organization known to students at the U,” in part to “dispel the doubts of students who are ‘tapped,’ or invited to join the organization, every spring.” The group remains largely anonymous so it does seem tricky to find out more details on what it is actively doing. However, the fluctuation in editorial coverage and secrecy of the group seems to be apparent as the 49th volume of the Utah Chronicle stated the names and positions of Bonesmen (Skull and Bones members).

Among all the change and what seems like progress the club has made, there are a few traditions that remain. In “Yale, Skull and Bones, and the Beginnings of Johns Hopkins,” William H. Jarrett II writes, “Each society owns an impressive mausoleum-like ‘tomb’ in which meetings are held each Thursday and Sunday evening. These are massive, very impressive structures, foreboding and bearing an unmistakable message: ‘Private; keep out.’” Ominous and curiosity striking, the Skull and Bones club will always be a beacon of mystery.

Bianca Velasquez graduates in spring 2019 with a bachelor’s degree in journalism and is currently preparing for a career in lifestyle and event coverage. Velasquez holds the position as SLUG Magazine’s editorial assistant and works with various other event organizations such as Craft Lake City and Brewstillery.

Sources

Skull and Bones,” Wikipedia.

Koldewyn, Casey. “Getting to Know Secret Student Society Skull and Bones,” Daily Utah Chronicle, December 7, 2015.

Skull and Bones,” 1935 Utonian, J. Willard Marriott Digital Library, The University of Utah.

Skull, Bones Members to Let 6 Women in on Their Secrets,” Deseret News, October 25, 1991.

“New Men Taken into ‘Skull and Bones,’” Salt Lake Tribune, November 25, 1909, 2.

Jarrett II, William H. “Yale, Skull and Bones, and the Beginnings of Johns Hopkins,” Baylor University Medical Center Proceedings, 24, no. 1 (2011): 27-34.

A Hat-Wearing Tradition Once Central To the American University Experience Would Now Be Considered Hazing

By Hugo Vaca

By the time college students are done with their educational careers, they do more than simply obtain a degree. Students receive a plethora of knowledge ranging from academics and life skills to the traditions and values of their university. All of those serve to create a notion of groupness which also works to keep students in line.

In the 1940s, incoming college freshmen went from having senior status in high school to receiving the dreaded “frosh” status in college. This meant that a student had to endure tasks often viewed as rituals and rites of passage. These tasks were meant to shape each student as they reached the coveted upperclassmen status. These traditions, pranks, and rituals, did more than establish social hierarchies; they oriented students through the different values of their new institutions. According to Simon Bronner, the “frosh” label carried along identifiers designated by each university. Typically, frosh were instructed to wear a green garment to cover their heads similar to the ones seen in this 1972 photograph. This garment was referred to as a “dink,”, “pot,” or just “beanie.” (Bronner, p. 118)

These hats allowed the frosh to become targets for the upperclassmen. At times, frosh were challenged to athletic competitions to prove their worth. More commonly, they received some form of humiliation such as constant name calling. These names served to provide a clear way for the newbies to be set apart from their superiors. They reiterated to the frosh that they were low in the evolutionary line. Some of the common names used included: greenies, plebes, scrubs, babes, and rats. (Bronner, p. 114)

These first-year students were also often commanded to carry out errands for their superior upperclassmen. The frosh had to refer to the upperclassmen as “Sir.” (“Morley to Haverford”) If they dared refuse, they would face some form of punishment. An example of a physical punishment was having to dig holes on the dirt. Some colleges, such as the University of Wisconsin, had certain rules where the frosh were prohibited from wearing high school garbs or from stepping on the green grass. (Bronner, p. 115) A similar rule was once upheld here at the University of Utah; it prohibited frosh from setting foot on the steps of the Park Building. (Hammond)

Hammond_CartoonThis king of hazing was depicted in the insightful illustration by Roger Hammond that was published on September 26, 1940, in The Utah Chronicle. It provided the opportunity for those looking back at the university’ss history in order to gain a better understanding of something that would now be considered hazing and perhaps unethical. Yet, this hazing was once a staple tradition in many American colleges. Hammond’s illustration consists of a young man, wearing a dink, looking down as he is being heckled by his sponsor upperclassmen. Often times sponsors were older students who were there to orient the incoming students. Some of the phrases that appear to fly out of the sponsor’s mouth include: rules and typical things one even nowadays tells a freshman, such pointing out the locations of buildings on campus. A statement that stands out as oppressive is “Wear your green cap all year!”

Arrow_Shirts_AdMessages like these were seen all across the nation; these hazing acts were nothing out of the ordinary. The rules became something that freshmen had to know by heart if they wanted to avoid the repercussions. They became like a rule book to follow. Knowledge of these rules was so common that companies used them to their advantage, as seen by this advertisement for Arrow shirts that was published in the Chronicle on September 26, 1940.

According to “The Freshman ‘Dink,’” distributed by the States News Service, punishments dating back to the 1940s at Penn State included: being quizzed about the school and singing the Alma Mater in public. Though those punishments may seem humiliating, they served a greater purpose – to teach institutional values. They ensured that students understood their school’s history and purpose.

Despite backlash from professors, a fraternity at Wabash College has recently decided to revive this hat tradition. As they once did more than 40 years ago, they want to require pledging students to tip their hats to their upperclassmen out of respect. With this, they are hoping to promote chivalry and unity. (Woo) This has started a debate between what should be considered hazing and what can serve as a teaching tradition for incoming students.

Some of the iconic traditions of American colleges, beloved by many, would nowadays be more than frowned upon — they would be considered hazing. Dinks, typically worn by frosh, are reviving the way that ritualistic traditions were historically implemented at universities across the nation. Though some people have complained, colleges are now trying to implement “good-natured” rituals that should not be considered hazing. They are meant to provide a better bonding experience without the humiliating punishment. (Woo) Similarly to how frosh gained traditions in the past, freshmen now receive similar values by being involved in things such as orientations, sports events, or by being involved in extracurricular activities that implement life skills and morals without facing ridicule and hazing.

Hugo Vaca has returned to The University of Utah seeking a second bachelor’s degree. He is majoring in communication with a minor in documentary studies. His first degree was in film and media arts.

 Sources

Advertisement, Arrow Shirts, Utah Chronicle, September 26, 1940, 2.

Roger Hammond, Cartoon, Utah Chronicle, September 26, 1940, 4.

“Morley to Haverford,” Time, April 15, 1940, 63.

Bronner, Simon J. Campus Traditions: Folklore from the Old-Time College to the Modern Mega-University. Jackson: University Press of Mississippi, 2012.

The Freshman ‘Dink,'” States News Service, August 26, 2015.

Woo, Stu. “Beanie Revival.” The Chronicle of Higher Education, December 1, 2006.

Utah Traction Company Gets Going So You Can, Too

By Ezri Staheli

The Utah Light and Traction Company owned and operated electric, power, and railway properties in Salt Lake City and its surrounding vicinities, including Ogden, in the 1940s. (Thatcher, 449) The Traction Company operated public buses and electric trolleys in the Salt Lake and Ogden valleys until their services were combined with other transit companies and enveloped into what we now know as the Utah Transit Authority. (Arave)

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A new bus, photographed in Salt Lake City’s Liberty Park. Special Collections, J. Willard Marriott Library, University of Utah.

In the early 1940s, cars weren’t quite all the rave yet. People needed to get places, even here in the Salt Lake Valley, which is where the Utah Light and Traction Company came into play. Businessmen, travelers, and especially students were frequent users of the mass transit provided by the Traction Company.

When World War II broke out, though, soldiers needed transport to and from the army base, Fort Douglas, on the bench of Salt Lake City, which took priority because of the priority of the war. Because of this, students, the most frequent users of mass transit, were asked in March 1942 not to ride certain bus lines so overcrowding would not occur as soldiers rode those routes. (“Traction Company Asks Student Aid”; UDOT Public Opinion Survey)

The Salt Lake Telegram reported in January 1942 that the Utah Light and Traction Company had, previous to asking students not to ride certain bus lines, been brought before the Public Service Commission because of concern over buses getting overcrowded (overcrowded being described as loaded more than 50 percent above the rated seating capacity). The Telegram reported that part of this overcrowding occurred because of the population increase, thanks to the defense industries in the valley, which led to an increase of nearly 33 percent in daily riders.

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Operators were needed during World War II, as this image from 1943 illustrates. Special Collections, J. Willard Marriott Library, University of Utah.

According to The Utah Chronicle in March 1942, students were not happy with the Traction Company when it made the decision to give soldiers transit priority, especially when buses got rerouted after student cooperation did not occur. In August 1942, The Salt Lake Telegram reported that two main changes would be made by the traction company to accommodate the overcrowding that was occurring because of both students and soldiers needing to ride the buses up onto the 1300 East bench – the first change being a new shuttle service direct to Fort Douglas for soldiers (August 12) and the second being buses making fewer loading stops (August 4).

In July and September 1942, The Salt Lake Telegram also reported that multiple different staggered schedules were put into place by employers to aid in the overflow of buses. But, such staggered schedules could not necessarily be added to class schedules for students, which became another matter of outrage.

Public transportation is something that people relied on in the 1940s just like they do today, which is why the changing of bus routes was such a big deal to students, workers, soldiers, and community members alike. What started out as a few bus routes run by the Utah Traction Company has morphed into a modern-day, statewide system through the expansion of the Utah Transit Authority that most Utah citizens use at least once or twice in their life, if not once or twice a day. The importance of public transportation as a way to connect communities cannot be overstated; it’s one of the reasons that the Salt Lake Valley is the way that it is, so it’s important to look and see how it all started out, even if that start came with a few metaphorical and literal bumps in the road.

Ezri Staheli is currently a sophomore at The University of Utah. She is majoring in communication and minoring in parks, recreation, and tourism. Ezri plans to graduate with her bachelor’s degree in spring 2021.

Sources

“Bus Companies Oppose State Loading Order,” Salt Lake Telegram, January 26, 1942, 9.

“Traction Company Asks Student Aid,” Utah Chronicle, March 12, 1942, 1.

“Traction Company Should Cooperate,” Utah Chronicle, March 26, 1942, 4.

“’Stagger’ Plan For Buses Asked,” Salt Lake Telegram, July 11, 1942.

“Buses To Begin Making Fewer Loading Stops,” Salt Lake Telegram, August 4, 1942, 13.

“Fort Bus Line Augmented,” Salt Lake Telegram, August 12, 1942, 12.

“Staggered Time Eyed at Capitol,” Salt Lake Telegram, September 1, 1942.

Arave, Lynn. “Utah Transit Authority has long, winding road of history, ” Deseret News, September 26, 2010.

Thatcher, Lionel W. “Financial and Depreciation History of the Utah Power and Light Company,” The Journal of Land & Public Utility Economics 15, no. 4 (November 1939): 448–455.

Utah Department of Transportation Public Opinion Survey Report, prepared for Utah State Department of Transportation (Salt Lake City: University of Utah Survey Research Center, 1995).

Midget Auto Races

By Forest Smith

Gaining popularity in the 1930s until around 1941 when the United States entered World War II, America was experiencing a new wave of exciting entertainment. Racing. From drag races to motorcycle stunts, these events brought people from far and wide to witness the gas-powered automobile in action. Out of all the ways to race the most far-reaching and easily accessible was the midget races. Motor Sports Magazine reported in 1938 that midget racing garnered an audience of over 5 million Americans around the country during the 1937 season. Contrary to their name, no little people participated in the event. It was the cars that were the midgets.

Midget cars were small buggies with open cockpits, exposed thin wheels, and powerful engines. (Hall, p. 249) Popular Science Monthly reported in May 1938 that many of the engines came from motorcycles, outboard boat motors, and ancient vehicles. These smaller cars ran on oval-shaped tracks a mere fifth of a mile long. This allowed the sensation to spread across the country as fast as tracks could be made; some were even indoors. The small oval arenas were made of dirt, cinder, or pavement and due to their size, forced the drivers to skid around the corners for most of the race. Motorsports Magazine reported in 1938 that a wooden bowl had been constructed in the Boston Square Garden. This wooden track proved hard to navigate even among master drivers.

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Advertisement for Midget Racing, Utah Chronicle, May 16, 1940.

The small buggies—affectionately named doodlebugs by fans—could reach speeds up to 60 mph on the straightaways. These little carts were dangerous and required both bravery and skill to pilot. Injuries were common among the racers as they would take the brunt of any rollover impact directly to their head and shoulders. As reported by The Salt Lake Tribune in 1941, Charles R. Winters, 22, died as a result of a tragic incident at the Utah State Fairground track. He lost control of his midget car and flew into a railing, sustaining fatal injuries. On August 14, 1941, the Tribune reported more injuries: Tex Sherwood sustained severe burns after his car caught fire and Mike Julian miraculously escaped injury-free after a crash that caused his car to roll five times and jump a fence.

Midget auto races were held in a flurry of heats, with as many as 30 cars participating in a single evening. Popular Science Monthly reported in 1934 that the events ranged from single-lap qualifiers to a 30-lap main event. The show would take place a mere 300 feet from the audience, creating an unprecedented connection between the onlookers and the racers. Motorsports Magazine interviewed a fan in 1938 who said, “I feel as though I’ve been racing with those fellows.”

Old footage really shows how exciting this sport can be. You feel very close to the action and can see the drivers wrestling with each other and their vehicles. It is no wonder that the sport spread around the country as fast as it did.

But midget racing was short-lived in the U.S. as big stock cars stole the spotlight from the petite midget cars after World War II. (However, midget racing remains popular in Australia to this day.) The Bonneville Salt Flats just outside of Salt Lake City became an epicenter for young speedsters to race their inventions. Some of the cars used on the Salt Flats take obvious influence from the midget cars that used to run the show.

Forest Smith is a senior at the University of Utah majoring in mass communication with a focus in journalism.

Sources

“Race Driver’s Final Rites Set for Friday,” Salt Lake Tribune, July 9, 1941, 1.

Jack Peters, “The History of Midget Auto-Racing in America,” Motorsports Magazine, September 1936, 29.

Midget Auto Racing in America,” Motorsports Magazine, February 1938, 34.

Andrew R. Boone, “Racing Midget Autos,” Popular Science Monthly, May 1934, 26-28.

Advertisement, Midget Racing, Utah Chronicle, May 16, 1940, 4.

“Adair Drives to Stirring Auto Victory,” Salt Lake Tribune, July 17, 1941, 13.

“Tex Sherwood Returns to Midget Races,” Salt Lake Tribune, August 15, 1941, 21.

Hall, Randal L. “Carnival of Speed: The Auto Racing Business in the Emerging South, 1930-1950,” The North Carolina Historical Review 84, no. 3 (July 2007): 245-75.

 

 

Barefoot Boy with Cheek Helping Young Utahns Laugh in 1945

By Katherine Rogers

Being a young person in the mid-1940s could be stressful, with World War II creating strife for every nation. In the United States every able-bodied man was being drafted into the military. Everyone else was making sacrifices for the sake of the war effort. Early 1945 was an especially uncertain time. While the end of the war seemed imminent, no one was sure how much longer it would be going on. All throughout January of that year the Utah Chronicle wrote about the rumors of a 4-F draft (that is, drafting men who originally were not considered due to minor disabilities). Meanwhile, men were coming back from the battlefields with injuries and stories of the horrors of war. This kind of tension meant that the students were looking for relief. Enter: Max Shulman.

Shulman was a journalism student at the University of Minnesota. He wrote for the Minnesota Daily (the school’s newspaper) and Ski-U-Mah (the on-campus humor journal). He soon became known on campus for his goofy sense of humor. So, it was no surprise when in 1942 he was approached by an editor to write a book poking fun at college life. Shulman agreed and a few months later produced Barefoot Boy with Cheek. (Brady, p. 32)

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Illustration by Will Crawford.

Barefoot Boy focuses on the adventures of Asa Hearthrug, a small-town farm boy, as he begins his college career at the “fictional” University of Minnesota. Shulman uses his famous silly sense of humor to make fun of parts of college life like fraternities (Hearthrug joins Alpha Cholera) and the troubles of dating in college (Hearthrug must choose between two girls). It touches on the prices of books, especially the ones the professors wrote themselves, and student journalists trying too hard to sound clever.

Even though Barefoot Boy soon became a national bestseller, it took a few years for it to reach Utah. Once it did, Shulman’s writing quickly captured the attention of the college crowd. The Utah Chronicle wrote in January 1945 all about the craze over the book sweeping the campus of the University of Utah. It was so popular on campus that one Utah Chronicle columnist, known in her column only as Pomerance, tried her hand at her own shortened version, which she called “Bare Faced Girl with Teeth” or “Foo to You U of U.” This parody, featured in the January 11, 1945, issue of the Chronicle, follows similar themes with the heroine dealing with Greek life (for example the fraternity Un Kappa Kega Brew) and having to choose between two boys.

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Illustration by Will Crawford.

The book was in high demand in the state. In October 1945, the Bear River Valley Leader wrote about the joy of the local libraries finally getting their hands on a single copy of Barefoot Boy, as did The Hillfielder in March of the same year. One group of young writers in Provo, after starting the American League of Young Penman, decided to show their love for Shulman’s writing in an interesting way. “Max Shulman, author of ‘Barefoot Boy with Cheek,’ ‘The Fatherly Merchants,’ etc., is the honorary president of the club,” the Provo Sunday Herald reported in the September 9, 1945, issue.

The absurdist humor that riddles the pages of the Barefoot Boy with Cheek appears to be just what the youth of Utah needed. It shows that a little book, no matter how silly its contents may be, can prove to be the perfect mood lightener in dark, uncertain times.

Katherine Rogers is a junior at the University of Utah, studying communication and journalism. She is also an intern at CATALYST Magazine.

Sources

Max Shulman, Barefoot Boy with Cheek (New York: American Book-Stratford Press, Inc., 1945).

“Pom Authors Sequel to ‘Barefoot Boy,’” Utah Chronicle, January 11, 1945, 2.

“Ouija Boards, ‘Barefoot Boy With Cheek’ Prove Distracting to U Students,” Utah Chronicle, January 11, 1945, 3.

“U Waits Decision On 4-F Draft,” Utah Chronicle, January 11, 1945, 4.

“Library Purchases Request Numbers,” The Hillfielder (Ogden Air Technical Services Command newspaper), March 28, 1945, 2.

“League of Young Writers Started By Provo Group,” Provo Sunday Herald, September 9, 1945, 2.

“New Books at Library,” Bear River Valley Leader, October 18, 1945, 3.

Brady, Tim. “Max Shulman. Dig it?” Minnesota Alumni Magazine, Spring 2016.

Edwin Evans and His Influence on Art Education in Utah

By Hannah W. Peterson

Edwin_Evans (1)Edwin Evans was an influential artist from Utah, a professor at the University of Utah, and the holder of various positions of prestige including president of both the Utah Art Institute and the Society of Utah Artists.

Born in Lehi, Utah, on February 2, 1860, his first art venture began in the fall of 1888 when he took off to Paris for a two-year course in drawing and painting at L’Academie Julien where he developed his skills. His talent was obvious, and according to William C. Seifrit, “Evans had quickly caught the spirit of art prevailing in Paris during the 1890s.” (“Letters from Paris,” p. 190)

After his training, Evans went on to create various pieces of historical artwork when he painted interior panels in the Mormon Temple in Salt Lake City from 1918-1919, did art research work in France from 1920-1922, exhibited at the World’s Fair in 1893, and had several of his pieces featured in local exhibits, which won a number of awards. Evans received considerable praise for his work, and according to the Utah Chronicle on April 17, 1941, he was, at the time, “One of Utah’s most outstanding educators and artists.”

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Edwin Evans watercolor painting depicting fields. Special Collections, J. Willard Marriott Library, The University of Utah.

Perhaps though, Evans’s most notable achievements came forth with his extensive involvement in art education in public schools and at the University of Utah, where he was head of the art department for 23 years. In 1897, Evans and fellow Utah artist J. T. Harwood displayed their passion for creative art curriculum in schools by addressing a letter to the Board of Education in Salt Lake City. Published by the Deseret Evening News on February 5, 1897, the letter read, “The aim of teaching drawing in the public schools should be to train correctly the perception, cultivate the creative faculties, aid in the expression of ideas, discipline the hand, and lead the pupil to think and work independently.”

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Oil painting depicting mining buildings and mountains in the background. Special Collections, J. Willard Marriott Library, The University of Utah.

Evans’s influence continued on when The Salt Lake Tribune reported on May 25, 1902, that he and other art professors at the University of Utah had arranged a textbook on art and drawing, in response to their dissatisfaction with current art textbooks. In an interview with Evans in 1938, conducted by Mabel Frazer for the Works Progress Administration, Evans reflected on his influence on art curriculum in the school system saying, “I feel that I did a valuable service to the public schools of the state when in the late nineties I spent a lot of time covering over three years, in an effort to have the pernicious system of drawing then in use in the state abolished.”

Along with teaching art classes while at the University of Utah, Professor Evans gave several lectures that enlightened and inspired his students. On April 1, 1912, The Utah Chronicle reported on a lecture he gave on art in which he said, “In painting, as in all things, individuality scores most toward the acquiring of success.” Evans had made a lasting impression on his students and local art. In the same 1938 interview done by Mabel Frazer with Evans, she reflected on his influence on her life, saying, “I don’t believe any other man in Utah has sent so wide an influence through his students. When I first studied with him he put color above form. Later he became interested in sculpture, and form and structure became vital elements in his expression. But he has remained true to his own ideals through his whole evolution. Never borrowing the mannerisms of individuals or schools. He is a decorator and colorist par excellence.”

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Watercolor painting depicting mountains with orchards in the foreground. Special Collections, J. Willard Marriott Library, The University of Utah.

His artwork was also honored and displayed at the university various times. Toward the end of his career, The Utah Chronicle reported on April 24, 1941, that Professor Edwin Evans would be presenting an art exhibit featuring 141 of his paintings. The exhibit was the culmination of years of hard work and lasting influence on the art community in Utah, which would tragically be one of his last artistic appearances before his death on March 4, 1946. According to the Lehi Sun on March 7, 1946, Evans had planned on bringing two additional paintings to an exhibit he had recently established at Lehi High School’s library just two weeks before his death.

Edwin Evans inspired his students with an expressive and creative method of teaching, setting an example of academic excellence that would be appreciated for generations to come. Adequate funding for the arts in the school system has been an issue in the U.S. for many decades, including the present day. Passionate professors like Evans will always be vital for the survival of art classes in schools, and for the fostering of an intellectually stimulating learning environment. His legacy lives on through this very idea.

Hannah Whitney Peterson is a senior at the University of Utah where she is majoring in communication and minoring in environmental and sustainability studies.

Sources

“Drawing In the Schools,” Deseret Evening News, February 5, 1897, 8.

“Art In Public Schools,” Salt Lake Tribune, May 25, 1902, 7.

“Prof. Evans Lectures on Art,” Utah Chronicle, April 1, 1912, 4.

Mabel Pearl Frazer, interview with Edwin Evans, MSS B 289, The Works Progress Administration (Utah Section) Biographical Sketches, ca. 1930-1941, University of Utah, J Willard Marriot Library.

“Exhibit Features 141 Paintings,” Utah Chronicle, April 17, 1941, 1.

“Artist Holds Exhibit In Union Building,” Utah Chronicle, April 24, 1941, 3.

“Lehi Artist Dies At California Home,” Lehi Sun, March 7, 1946, 1.

Seifrit, William C. “Letters from Paris,” Utah Historical Quarterly 54, no 2 (Spring 1986): 179-202.

The Coon Chicken Inn and Utah’s Hidden History of Racism

By Chris Oregon

The Coon Chicken Inn was a fried chicken restaurant chain located in the Pacific Northwest and owned by Maxon Lester Graham and his wife Adelaide. The first Coon Chicken Inn was established in 1925 in Salt Lake City, Utah. Coon Chicken Inn was famously known for its racist “coon” caricature logo that was used to promote the authenticity of the southern-style food. At the entrance of the restaurant was a 12-foot “coon head.” Customers entered through the mouth, which had exaggerated large lips and teeth. This same entrance was then used for the other two locations that opened later. Despite protests against the racial slurs and racist caricatures the stores remained open until the late 1950s. Even though the restaurant was racist, the only complaint from the city was when it heard rumors that operators were serving alcohol. On March 11, 1927, The Salt Lake Telegram wrote about the trial that Graham went to for “conducting a disorderly house,” because officers had claimed that they found liquor on three of the restaurant’s tables. (“Graham Enters Not Guilty Plea”)

 

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Special Collections, J. Willard Marriott Library, The University of Utah.

Catherine Roth writes that the large “coon head” used for the entrance of the building was a gimmick to attract customers. (“The Coon Chicken Inn”) Graham also used the logo on postcards, newspaper advertisements, children’s fans, delivery cars, and matchboxes as promotion.

After gaining a lot of success, Graham later opened two more locations in Portland, Oregon, and Seattle, Washington. Each location had the “coon head” entrance that was used with the first location to attract customers. The restaurant not only provided food for its customers but entertainment as well. The Utah Chronicle mentioned that the restaurant offered dancing and talented local musicians to entertain customers. (“What We’ll Do”) The Coon Chicken Inn was popular among University of Utah students; the Interfraternity Council planned a stag party for students and the restaurant was chosen to host its festivities. (“Greek Council”) Popular among University of Utah students, several fraternities chose to hold events such as banquets at the restaurant because it had a dance floor and live music for everyone to enjoy. (“The Town Chatter”) Variety magazine also mentioned in its April 7, 1937, issue that the Coon Chicken Inn was a great spot for out-of-state bands to work with local musicians, which helped attract customers.

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Special Collections, J. Willard Marriott Library, The University of Utah.

Despite being racist, the restaurant was very successful, opening a total of three locations in three different cities. After opening in Seattle in 1930, Graham was met with protests. That same year the Seattle branch of the National Association for the Advancement for Colored People (NAACP) and the African-American newspaper, the Northwest Enterprise, protested the opening of the restaurant and even threatened Graham “with a lawsuit for libel and defamation of race.” In response, Graham agreed to change his advertising styles by “removing the word ‘Coon’ from the restaurant’s delivery and also by repainting the ‘Coon head’ entrance to the restaurant.” Instead of the “coon head” being black he decided to paint the skin color blue to avoid further issues. Graham also canceled his order of 1,000 car tire covers to please the protesters and not get in legal trouble. In the end, Graham removed the “Coon head” from public view and decided to close the restaurant doors for good. (Roth, “The Coon Chicken Inn”)

Today, the original Coon Chicken Inn building is gone. Despite the restaurant being shut down, Coon Chicken Inn remains relevant today due to the collectibles being sold online as black memorabilia. In 2017, Cook’s Garage, a Texas restaurant, caused outrage when customers noticed a Coon Chicken Inn neon sign on its walls. After receiving so much backlash, the owner said the sign wasn’t there to offend anyone, but to display Americana history. (Robinson) Even though the restaurant has been closed since the 1950s, it is still making headlines to this day. It’s still a relevant topic due to its racism. The Coon Chicken Inn will forever be a part of Utah history.

Chris Oregon is a senior at the University of Utah. He is majoring in mass communication with an emphasis in journalism and minoring in Spanish.

Sources

Graham Enters Not Guilty Plea,” Salt Lake Telegram, March 11, 1927, 2.

The Town Chatter,” Utah Chronicle, December 21, 1932, 2.

What We’ll Do,” Utah Chronicle, January 25, 1934, 2.

Greek Council Chooses Rulers,” Utah Chronicle, May 21, 1936, 1.

“Salt Lake City Sets Bands for Summer,” Variety, April 7, 1937, 50.

Advertisement, Coon Chicken Inn, Utah Chronicle, September 28, 1944, 4.

Roth, Catherine. “Coon Chicken Inn (Seattle),” HistoryLink.org, October 16, 2009.

Roth, Catherine. “The Coon Chicken Inn: North Seattle’s Beacon of Bigotry,” Seattle Civil Rights & Labor History Project, University of Washington, 2009.

Robinson, Elliott. “The Coon Chicken Inn Lives,” CreativeTension.org, 2017.

The Role of Cigarettes in 1940s University of Utah Campus Culture

By Emerson Oligschlaeger

In January 1943, Utah Chronicle columnist Bette Pomerance penned an op-ed titled “Scribe Finds Weed Vices Common at the U.” Pomerance neither condemns nor defends the prominence of cigarette smoking on campus; her point is limited to chronicling students’ commitment to the vice. When contextualized against local and national historical resources, Pomerance’s column allows us to understand tobacco’s cultural role in the university community of the 1940s.

The article mentions “restricted areas” — campus venues where smoking is banned — and students’ “flagrant violations of the ‘no fagging’ rule.” Pomerance cheekily notes students’ unflagging devotion to tobacco, writing that offenders chastised for smoking in restricted areas “swear… to never do it again — and get caught.”

University_of_Utah_College_Inn_Shot_1

The College Inn in 1937. Used with permission of the Utah State Historical Society.

Pomerance also records a few epicenters of campus tobacco culture, including the university game room and the College Inn, an off-campus restaurant that once stood on 200 S. and University Street. “One could hardly write an article on smoking without mentioning the College Inn,” she writes, calling it “the best place to obtain a non-average report card, tubercular lungs and stomach ulcers.”

In the Summer 1997 issue of Continuum, the University of Utah’s official magazine, alumnus Rod Decker recalls visiting the College Inn as a 10-year-old to find it full of college students smoking cigarettes and “fleeing supervised wholesomeness.” The non-smokers tended to eat in the Union cafeteria where smoking was prohibited, Decker writes, while tobacco users congregated at the campus-adjacent eatery.

women

Ellis Gangl Leonard poses in her husband Leo Leonard’s military cap while an unidentified woman smokes a cigarette. Both soldiers and women contributed to the prevalence of tobacco on campus in the 1940s. Used with permission of Special Collections, J. Willard Marriott Library, The University of Utah.

Decker and Pomerance’s recollections reflect national trends in tobacco usage. The early 1940s saw one of America’s sharpest spikes in per capita tobacco consumption, and more women took up smoking during the ’40s than any other decade. (Centers for Disease Control and Prevention, 2014) Pomerance’s column notes the prevalence of smoking among university co-eds, writing of “the entire male population and half the female with a weed in his or her face.”

The presence of servicemen also contributed to the clouds of smoke on campus. Tobacco played a significant role in military culture. A July 1943 article from the Davis County Clipper titled “Smokes and the Soldier” detailed the ways that cigarettes “play a prominent part in many phases of the life of a soldier.” A January 1943 issue of the Vernal Express includes a write-up on care packages assembled by the local Red Cross chapter, which necessarily featured cigarettes. As rationalized by The New York Times during World War I, “tobacco may not be a necessary of life, in the ordinary sense of that term, but it certainly lightens the inevitable hardships of war as nothing else can do.” (Brandt, p. 52).

A letter to the editor published in a February 1943 edition of the Chronicle directly addresses the issue of servicemen smoking on campus. In response to complaints about soldiers smoking in buildings and areas where it is prohibited, the writer acknowledges that servicemen should follow the rules, but takes issue with critics’ tone.

“This note, then, is directed not to the validity or invalidity of the ‘no-smoking’ rule, but to one who, in times of war and stress, when the very life of our country hangs in the balance concerns himself with trivial things like smoking in school buildings. Let me say that we service men are concerned with affairs far more momentous,” he writes.

Another letter to the editors of the Chronicle chastised students for failing to properly dispose of their cigarettes, creating fire hazards and cluttering campus. “Just a little effort on the part of each of you can make our campus something to be remembered by the numerous visitors who come here,” wrote Marian R. Jones in 1949.

A 1941 Utah Chronicle article by Frank Allen, “Scribe Gets Hot Under Collar Over Paper’s Cigarette Ad Problem,” addresses an ongoing debate over the absence of tobacco advertising in the student paper. According to Allen, the Chronicle printed a number of letters to the editor alternately praising and decrying the paper’s decision not to advertise cigarettes. Throughout the 1940s – and indeed, to this day – the Chronicle remains an important venue for discussion of student smoking practices.

Tobacco use, on college campuses and elsewhere, has steadily decreased since the 1960s. (Centers for Disease Control and Prevention, 2014) In 2018, the University of Utah declared itself a smoke-free campus, sparking another wave of Chronicle op-eds. The first sentence of Pomerance’s 1943 column  —  “each year about this time someone starts a debate about the use of nicotine on our campus” — still rings true. While university nicotine culture has changed dramatically, some things never do.

Emerson Oligschlaeger graduated from the University of Utah in 2018 with a degree in mass communication. Emerson currently works for KSL NewsRadio and plans to pursue a career in community journalism.

 Sources

Frank Allen, “Scribe Gets Hot Under Collar over Paper’s Cigarette Ad Problem,” The Utah Chronicle, February 6, 1941, 4.

Bette Pomerance, “Pomerance Says: Scribe Finds Weed Vices Common at U,” The Utah Chronicle, January 21, 1943, 2.

“Local Red Cross to Make 275 Comfort Kits,” Vernal Express, January 28, 1943, 1.

 S/Sgt. OES., “Upholds Soldiers,” The Utah Chronicle, February 11, 1943, 2.

“Smokes and the Soldier,” Davis County Clipper, July 23, 1943, 6.

Marian R. Jones, “Battered Campus, Untidy Lawns Cause Greater Tuition Costs,” The Utah Chronicle, October 12, 1949, 2.

Brandt, Allan. The Cigarette Century: The Rise, Fall, and Deadly Persistence of the Product that Defined America. New York, NY: Basic Books, 2007.

Rod Decker, “Campus Hangouts Throughout the Years: A Cautionary Tale” Continuum,(Summer 1997): 24.

National Center for Chronic Disease Prevention and Health Promotion (US) Office on Smoking and Health. “The Health Consequences of Smoking—50 Years of Progress: A Report of the Surgeon General.” Atlanta (GA): Centers for Disease Control and Prevention (US), 2014, Chapter 13, Patterns of Tobacco Use Among U.S. Youth, Young Adults, and Adults.

Postwar Planning at the University of Utah

By David Miller

Image_1_Fort_Douglas

Fort Douglas (aerial), 1920-1940. Fort Douglas Military Museum, Salt Lake City.

World War II ushered in a time of radical change for the United States. Men and women went to war by the thousands and those who stayed home were forced to pick up the slack. The end of the war in 1945 was a relief for millions around the world, but the change was sudden and drastic and many had a hard time adapting. Universities across the country had to work especially hard to adapt to a post-war world. On June 9, 1944, the Progressive Opinion reported that “our own school system faces one of the greatest crisis in its history and, likewise, some of the greatest changes.” Elinore H. Partridge explains in the article “A. Ray Olpin and the Postwar Emergency at the University of Utah” that these changes were based mostly around two events that were tied to the end of World War II. GIs were coming home and looking for an education and all the teachers had either gone to war or switched to a more financially sustainable job in the war industry. (p. 197) Though the changes were swift, the University of Utah was not caught off guard. Plans had already been made and policies set into motion.

By the early 1940s, the University of Utah had adapted greatly to a nation committed to the war effort. Salt Lake City newspapers reported on the university’s wartime transformation. The Salt Lake Telegram reported on December 31, 1943, that “already more than 1,000 young men in khaki are pursuing studies designed to prepare them as efficient cogs in a war machine.” Yet, even as women and men left for the war, those who remained behind began to plan for the future after the conflict.

Article

Utah Chronicle, May 4, 1944.

On February 15, 1944, The Salt Lake Telegram reported that “a postwar planning council for Salt Lake City to ‘Integrate effort and coordinate a multiplicity of plans’ was approved.” The Utah Chronicle reported on September 21, 1944, that Brigham Young University would hold a conference on postwar planning for the “representatives of Utah’s institutions of higher learning.”

The University of Utah hosted similar discussions on postwar planning which were announced in the Utah Chronicle. For example, the paper reported on April 20, 1944, that “the school of business is doing its post-war planning by charting new courses for returning soldiers and by discussing their plans with downtown businessmen and government officials.” The University of Utah even helped to draft resolutions to send to their state representatives, the Utah Chronicle reported on May 5, 1944. According to the same article, “The resolutions had been discussed by the State College of Washington” and were then amended after being discussed at a public meeting at the University of Utah. Steps like these demonstrate how the University of Utah was committed to finding the most efficient way to navigate these trying times.

When the war finally did end in 1945, the impact on Utah was almost immediate. In January 1946, the University of Utah employed around 225 full-time faculty members and had around 3,000 students. In months enrollment rose to 5,300 and by the next year, it was up to 10,000. (Partridge, p. 197)

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A. Ray Olpin, University of Utah president from 1940-1960. Special Collections, J. Willard Marriott Library, The University of Utah.

The problem wasn’t just with the number of new students either. According to a May 1944 article in the Progressive Opinion, a newspaper published in Salt Lake City, “American schools have lost 200,000 competent well-prepared teachers since Pearl Harbor.” With too many new students and not enough teachers, a downgrade in the quality of higher education in Utah looked inevitable. But Utah met these problems head-on.

The University of Utah went to great lengths to accommodate new students, especially veterans, under the leadership of president A Ray Olpin. A lot of the time these vets had families and current student housing was too expensive. According to Partridge, “Olpin and his staff worked throughout the spring of 1946 to acquire family-dwelling units. By summer, after countless telegrams between Olpin and United States Senators Abe Murdock and Elbert D. Thomas, 301 family units were moved in to place to form an instant community.” (p. 197)

World War II brought about changes at institutions around the world and the University of Utah was no exception. The University planned for and then reacted to the end of the war with the power of intellect. This chapter in the school’s history demonstrates the value institutions of higher education can have to their communities. They are places where ideas are born and plans are executed.

David Miller is a student at the University of Utah. He is planning on graduating in 2020 with a double major in communication and psychology.

Sources

“War Science Eclipses Art at Utah Campus,” Salt Lake Telegram, December 31, 1943, 9.

“City Board Appoints Postwar Planning Council to Coordinate Multiplicity of Movements,” Salt Lake Telegram, February 15, 1944, 7.

“Postwar Planning,” Utah Chronicle, April 20, 1944, 4.

“Resolutions Go To Congress,” Utah Chronicle, May 4, 1944, 1.

Baukhage, “U.S. School System Faces Greatest Crisis in History,” Progressive Opinion, June 9, 1944, 3.

“16 U Teachers To Attend BYU Meeting,” Utah Chronicle, September 21, 1944, 1.

Partridge, Elinore. “A. Ray Olpin and the Postwar Emergency at the University of Utah,” Western Historical Quarterly 48, no. 1 (Winter 1980): 195-206.

 

Elaine Cannon: The Feminist LDS Leader Who Got Her Start at The Utah Chronicle

By Alaikia Miller

with camera

Elaine Cannon at the KSL television studio, where she hosted a weekly program for teenagers as reported in the October 7, 1949, issue of The Bulletin.

Elaine Cannon, born Elaine Anderson, graduated from the University of Utah in 1943 with a degree in sociology. During her time at the university, Anderson contributed light commentary pieces to The Utah Chronicle. She went on to write for The Deseret News, authored over 50 books, and became the eighth president of the Young Women organization in The Church of Jesus Christ of Latter-day Saints, a position she held from 1978-1984. Cannon, who died in 2003, is remembered for her dedication to her family, to the church and to young women and youth around the globe. (“Elaine Cannon Dies”)

Interested in writing early in life, Anderson started a school paper while attending junior high. She also launched a weekly paper following high school graduation. (Woodger, p. 183) The Salt Lake Telegram reported on March 6, 1939, that the Red and Black, the paper Anderson helped start for West High School, would be the first “home-printed paper” at that school.

During her time at the University of Utah, Anderson wrote for The Utah Chronicle, the school’s independent student paper. Her contributions to the Chronicle were light commentaries on current events, both general and campus specific. In an October 1940 issue of The Utah Chronicle, Anderson is listed as the assistant women’s page editoran achievement that isn’t mentioned in the various publications about Anderson’s life and work.

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One of Elaine Cannon’s earliest articles in The Utah Chronicle, which appeared in the October 10, 1940, issue.

The fifth page of The Utah Chronicle was dedicated to articles written by and for women attending the University of Utah. The “Women’s Page” was established in September 1935, first appearing in the September 26 issue. In one of Anderson’s earliest articles published in The Utah Chronicle, “College Transfers Give Opinions on U. of U.,” she shared the opinions of University of Utah students who transferred from other institutions. Anderson noted that young women who joined the university appreciated the number of tall men and the dancing styles on campus. Throughout her student writing career, Anderson would offer comments on campus fraternities and advice for freshman women. She also contributed a recurring column called “Campus Ramblings.”

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Elaine Cannon with her husband, James Cannon, during his 1964 campaign for governor, as published in the June 25 issue of the Vernal Express.

Anderson also wrote for The Salt Lake Telegram while attending the university and would eventually become society editor for the Deseret News, where she wrote under her married name, Cannon. (Woodger, pp. 183-84) Throughout her career, she wrote numerous articles for various publications, including Seventeen. (Woodger, p. 178) Anderson, who wed in March 1943, also briefly hosted a local weekly television program for teenagers, which was announced in the October 7, 1949, issue of The Bulletin, a small publication for residents of the Sugar House neighborhood. Cannon also contributed articles and served as society editor.

At the time of her appointment as Young Women president, the women’s liberation movement was in full swing. Cannon’s appointment was very near groundbreaking, as she became the first president who was employed outside of the home. She balanced the duties of being a full-time mother of six, her work as a writer and her duties to the church. Cannon spoke often about the balance of her duties and how she was always looking for ways her career could help serve the church. (Woodger, p. 175)

While she herself worked outside of the home, her focus as Young Women president was still on advocating for a woman’s duty to her family, as this was a priority of church leadership at the time. She noted that while having a family and a career was an option for her, all women are different. What was fine for her life might not work for someone else. (Woodger, p. 176)

adversity

The cover of Elaine Cannon’s book, which was published in 1987 by Deseret Book Company.

When ratification of the Equal Rights Amendment (ERA) began in 1971, the LDS church struggled to form a conclusive opinion. Leadership seemed adamant that the bill was vague and unnecessary. Cannon agreed with the opinions of church leaders. However, the bill still inspired her to make efforts toward providing security and empowerment to women in the church. In response to the discussion over the ERA, Cannon helped create a separate magazine for youth in the church, restructured the Young Women General Board, implemented a Sunday class specifically for young women and established the first LDS women’s meeting. (Woodger, pp. 181-83)

Cannon wasn’t just dedicated to serving young women, but all youth. In 1955, Seventeen magazine provided Cannon an award for her support of teen activities and she served as a delegate at the 1959 White House Conference on Youth. (“Elaine Cannon Dies”)

Elaine Anderson Cannon’s writing career began early and carried on throughout her entire life. However, her work as a writer and leader within the LDS church barely scratches the surface. Cannon had a brimming life, marked by her dedication to her faith and her community.

Alaikia Marielle Miller is a senior at the University of Utah and is set to graduate in May 2019 with a B.S. in communications and journalism. Alaikia is currently a senior staff writer for The Daily Utah Chronicle and can be found across all platforms under @mariellerrrr.

Sources

“West High Will Celebrate First ‘Home-Printed’ Paper,” Salt Lake Telegram, March 6, 1939, 10.

“The Utah Chronicle: List of staff members,” Utah Chronicle, October 24, 1940, 4.

“Women’s Page,” Utah Chronicle, September 26, 1935, 5.

Elaine Anderson, “College Transfers Give Opinions on U. of U.,” Utah Chronicle, October 10, 1940, 5.

Elaine Anderson, “Freshman Women Express Views on Fraternities to Reveal Many Startling Conceptions,” Utah Chronicle, November 14, 1940, 5.

Elaine Anderson, “Scribe Ponders Resolutions; Submits Advise to Frosh,” Utah Chronicle, January 9, 1941, 5.

Elaine Anderson, “Campus Ramblings,” Utah Chronicle, January 16, 1941, 5.

“Television for Teen-Agers” The Bulletin, October 7, 1949, 3.

Elaine Cannon dies at age 81,” Church News, May 22, 2003.

Woodger, Mary Jane. “Elaine Anderson Cannon, Young Women General President: Innovations, Inspiration, and Implementations,” Journal of Mormon History 40, no. 4 (Fall 2014): 171-207.

Image Sources

“Group at Dine A Ville Motel,” Vernal Express, June 25, 1964.

Cannon, Elaine. Adversity. Salt Lake City, Utah: Deseret Book Company, 1987.

Elaine Anderson, “College Transfers Give Opinions on U. of U.,” Utah Chronicle, October 10, 1940, 5.

“Television for Teen-Agers,” Bulletin, October 7, 1949, 3.